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To understand more about why you are so important to our member-supported initiative, we encourage you to read the following from our managing editor ~ Read more

The Globe as you know it is changing.

Since 2007, Southeast Asia Globe has been a space for some of the region’s best writers and photographers to take our readers behind the headlines into the stories that shape people’s lives. Every month, you could expect to pick up our latest print edition and find high-quality journalism, analysis and artwork waiting on every page. And since 2007, we’ve fought to uphold our promise of quality and independence to you, our readers.

But, like we said, the world is changing. Print publications just aren’t reaching the audiences they need to fulfil their promise of informing, educating and entertaining the public. Advertisers continue to invest in digital platforms while printing costs creep ever higher. Print may not be dead, but it’s fighting for its life. And we’re tired of waiting by a sickbed for its condition to improve. We want to be present at the birth of something new.

That’s why Southeast Asia Globe is relaunching as a member-driven platform featuring daily long-form features combining world-class journalism with enthralling art design and data-centered tech. Through our core pillars – Power, Money, Life and Earth – we are focusing in on the central issues that our readers have always engaged with most, with the same in-depth coverage of politics, business, social affairs and the environment that you’ve come to expect since 2007.

But leaving print behind us doesn’t just save our backs from lugging stacks of magazines across Southeast Asia. It opens up a global readership who don’t just want to read the news, but have a say in the stories that we tell and the way that we tell them. We’re not asking you to take out another magazine subscription – our stories are open to all. What we’re offering our members is a space where they can pitch and vote on the stories that they think deserve to be told. We want to inspire an engaged and active community of members who vote for, comment on and contribute to the stories that matter most to them. We want to work with our members to curate the way they engage with the news – not just as readers, but as an active extension of our editorial team.

That’s how we’re changing to bring you great stories. Here’s how we’re not.

We’re independent. Always have been, always will be. We’re not owned by any corporation or aligned with any state. We choose the stories that we tell, and the way that we tell them.

We’re creative. We’re not interested in churning out breaking news stories on the hour, every hour. We believe that the best stories are the ones that come alive on the page, digging deeper into the issues that shape Southeast Asia – and bringing you along for the ride. From our dedicated designers to our new software development team, our commitment is to constantly challenge ourselves to find new ways of reaching out to our readers.

We’re open. Challenging governments, NGOs and businesses to be transparent with the public means nothing if we keep our own readers in the dark. That’s why we will be completely open about why we tell the stories that we tell – and how we pay for them. Work with us to build something that endures where many media fail, and decide with us exactly where that money is going.

Above all, we’re optimistic. And yeah, we know what you’re thinking. Faced with impending climate collapse, the rise of right-wing authoritarian governments across the world, widening wealth and income inequality and deepening divisions rooted in race or gender or creed, it’s hard not to open the papers and feel the weight of the world pressing down. But we wouldn’t be doing this if we didn’t believe that when people work together, they can make their little corner of the world a more just, open and equal place.

And that’s why we can’t do this without you. We believe that across the globe is a community of people who care deeply about social justice, environmental action and press freedom – and who will join in to help make those ideals a reality. We’re not just holding our hand out – we need your voice to play a vital role in building Southeast Asia Globe into a leading space for progressive causes in the region. Tell us what stories the mainstream media is missing. Share with us the causes that matter most to you, and how we can champion those causes not just across Southeast Asia, but the world.

Our vision is clear. By 2025, we want to be recognised for building a great space for outstanding journalists from across the region to explore new ways of telling Southeast Asia’s most vital stories. Let’s bring together a community of engaged and loyal members who want to help reshape the media rather than just read it. And we want to reach a point where our readers, not advertisers, are the ones working to support our shared vision of an inclusive media.

We can’t do this without you. Let’s get together and build something that we all believe in.

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Min Aung Hlaing / Meet one of the main architects behind the bloody crackdown against the Myanmar’s Rohingya

By: Paul Millar - Posted on: January 8, 2018 | Current Affairs

Myanmar’s supreme military commander Min Aung Hlaing may be using hundreds of thousands of displaced lives to support a bid for the nation’s highest office

Myanmar military commander-in-chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing arrives to pay homage to the late General Aung San and other leaders of the pre-independence Myanmar government during a ceremony marking the 70th Martyrs’ Day at the Martyrs’ Mausoleum in Yangon, Myanmar on 19 July 2017 Photo: Lynn Bo Bo/EPA

Who is he?

The commander-in-chief of the Myanmar armed forces – known locally as the tatmadaw – senior general Min Aung Hlaing rose through the ranks at the height of the military’s fierce campaign of suppression against the nation’s armed ethnic insurgencies. For more than three decades, the military has employed its ‘Four Cuts’ policy of systematic terror and forced relocation – inspired by earlier British campaigns against Myanmar’s communists – to strip rebel groups of funding, food, intelligence and recruits.

Why is he in the news?

Aung Hlaing has been the chief architect of the intense counter-insurgency campaign against Rakhine State’s Rohingya communities – a crackdown that has driven more than 600,000 of the Muslim minority across the border to Bangladesh. And despite the international condemnation slowly mounting against state counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, the general has shared little of the blame for the bloodshed – even receiving an audience with Pope Francis during the Catholic church leader’s visit in November.

How did he grow so powerful?

Although the tatmadaw-drafted constitution of 2008 paved the way for a slow transition to civilian government, the document enshrined a great deal of autonomy and authority within military hands. As supreme commander of all armed forces, Aung Hlaing appoints one quarter of all parliamentary seats and commands the police, border guards and the wider military through his control over the home affairs, defence and border affairs ministries. Most importantly, his authority over two massive holding companies and a vast network of patronage allows the military virtually complete economic self-reliance.

What does he stand to gain?

K. Yhome, author of Myanmar: Can the Generals Resist Change? said it was possible the general was preparing for a presidential campaign in the upcoming 2020 election, having seen his chances of the presidency stripped away by Suu Kyi’s 2015 landslide. “If the military today is doing what they’re doing in Rakhine State or in other ethnic minority areas purely with the political ambition of this man to become the next president – I don’t have the answer to that, but that would be a very dangerous direction for this country to go down,” he said.

Will it work?

While he emphasised that the campaign still had its detractors within the nation, Yhome said that the military had long used the threat of Islamist terror rising within the Rohingya to portray itself as the last bastion between the Buddhist majority and an insidious assault on Myanmar’s culture and values. “The regime has been able to create a very systematic division between the majority Burmans and the ‘others’ – which includes other ethnic minority communities and the Rohingya,” he said. “I think… there is a huge [number of] Burman Buddhists that believe that what Min Aung Hlaing and the tatmadaw is doing is for the good of the Burman society.”

This article was published in the January edition of Southeast Asia Globe magazine. For full access, subscribe here

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